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From Marx to Mao 

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PEKING 1959 


Printed in the People's Republic of China 





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The 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the 
Soviet Union summed up the fresh experience gained both 
in international relations and domestic construction. It 
took a series of momentous decisions on the steadfast 
implementation of Lenin's policy in regard to the pos- 
sibility of peaceful co-existence between countries with 
different social systems, on the development of Soviet 
democracy, on the thorough observance of the Party's 
principle of collective leadership, on the criticism of 
shortcomings within the Party, and on the sixth Five-Year 
Plan for development of the national economy. 

The question of combating the cult of the individual 
occupied an important place in the discussions of the 20th 
Congress. The Congress very sharply exposed the preva- 
lence of the cult of the individual which, for a long time 
in Soviet life, had given rise to many errors in work and 
had led to ill consequences. This courageous self-criticism 
of its past errors by the Communist Party of the Soviet 
Union demonstrated the high level of principle in inner- 
Party life and the great vitality of Marxism-Leninism. 

1 This article was written by the Editorial Department of 
Renmin Ribao {People's Daily) on the basis of a discussion at 
an enlarged meeting of the Political Bureau of the Central Com- 
mittee of the Communist Party of China. It was published in 
Renmin Ribao on April 5, 1956 

In history and in all the capitalist countries of today, 
no governing political party or bloc in the service of the 
exploiting classes has ever dared to expose its serious 
errors conscientiously before the mass of its own members 
and the people. With the parties of the working class 
things are entirely different. The parties of the working 
class serve the broad masses of the people; by self- 
criticism such parties lose nothing except their errors, 
they gain the support of the broad masses of the people. 

For more than a month now, reactionaries through- 
out the world have been crowing happily over self-cri- 
ticism by the Communist Party of the Soviet Union with 
regard to this cult of the individual. They say: Fine! The 
Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the first to estab- 
lish a socialist order, made appalling mistakes, and, what 
is more, it was Stalin himself, that widely renowned and 
honoured leader, who made them! The reactionaries 
think they have got hold of something with which to 
discredit the Communist Parties of the Soviet Union and 
other countries. But they will get nothing for all their 
pains. Has any leading Marxist ever written that we 
could never commit mistakes or that it is absolutely 
impossible for a given Communist to commit mistakes? 
Isn't it precisely because we Marxist-Leninists deny the 
existence of a "demigod" who never makes big or small 
mistakes that we Communists use criticism and self- 
criticism in our inner-Party life? Moreover, how could it 
be conceivable that a socialist state which was the first 
in the world to put the dictatorship of the proletariat 
into practice, which did not have the benefit of any prec- 
edent, should make no mistakes of one kind or another? 

Lenin said in October 1921: 

Let the curs and swine of the moribund bourgeoisie 
and the petty-bourgeois democrats who trail behind it 
heap imprecations, abuse and derision upon our heads 
for our reverses and mistakes in the work of building 
up our Soviet system. We do not forget for a moment 
that we have committed and are committing numerous 
mistakes and are suffering numerous reverses. How 
can reverses and mistakes be avoided in a matter so 
new in the history of the world as the erection of a 
state edifice of an unprecedented type! We shall strug- 
gle unremittingly to set our reverses and mistakes right 
and to improve our practical application of Soviet 
principles, which is still very, very far from perfect. 1 

It is also inconceivable that certain mistakes made ear- 
lier should for ever preclude the possibility of making 
other mistakes later or of repeating past mistakes to 
a greater or lesser degree. Since its division into 
classes with conflicting interests, human society has pass- 
ed through several thousand years of dictatorships — of 
slave-owners, of feudal lords and of the bourgeoisie; but 
it was not until the victory of the October Revolution that 
mankind began to see the dictatorship of the proletariat 
in action. The first three kinds of dictatorship are all dic- 
tatorships of the exploiting classes, though the dictatorship 
of feudal lords was more progressive than that of slave- 
owners, and that of the bourgeoisie more progressive than 
that of feudal lords. These exploiting classes, which once 
played a certain progressive role in the history of social 

1 V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, Vol. II, Part 2, Moscow, 1952, 
p. 597. 

development, invariably accumulated experience in their 
rule through making innumerable mistakes of historic 
import over long periods of time and through repeating 
these mistakes again and again. Nevertheless, with the 
sharpening of the contradiction between the relations of 
production which they represented and the productive 
forces of society, still they inevitably committed mistakes, 
bigger and more, precipitating a massive revolt of the op- 
pressed classes and disintegration within their own ranks, 
and thus eventually bringing about their destruction. The 
dictatorship of the proletariat is fundamentally different 
in its nature from any of the previous kinds of dictator- 
ship, which were dictatorships by the exploiting classes. 
It is a dictatorship of the exploited classes, a dictatorship 
of the majority over the minority, a dictatorship for the 
purpose of creating a socialist society in which there is 
no exploitation and poverty, and it is the most progres- 
sive and the last dictatorship in the history of mankind. 
But, since this dictatorship undertakes the greatest and 
the most difficult tasks and is confronted with a struggle 
which is the most complicated and tortuous in history, 
therefore, many mistakes, as Lenin has said, are bound 
to be made in its operation. If some Communists indulge 
in self-exaltation and self-complacency and develop a 
rigid way of thinking, they may even repeat their own 
mistakes or those of others. We Communists must take 
full account of this. To defeat powerful enemies, the 
dictatorship of the proletariat requires a high degree of 
centralization of power. This highly centralized power 
must be combined with a high level of democracy. When 
there is an undue emphasis on centralization, many mis- 
takes are bound to occur. This is quite understandable. 
But whatever the mistakes, the dictatorship of the pro- 

letariat is, for the popular masses, always far superior to 
all dictatorships of the exploiting classes, to the dictator- 
ship of the bourgeoisie. Lenin was right when he said: 

If our enemies reproach us and say that Lenin himself 
admits that the Bolsheviks have done a host of foolish 
things, I want to reply by saying: yes, but do you know 
that the foolish things we have done are entirely dif- 
ferent from those you have done? 

The exploiting classes, out for plunder, have all hoped 
to perpetuate their dictatorship generation after genera- 
tion, and have therefore resorted to every possible 
means to grind down the people. Their mistakes are 
irremediable. On the other hand, the proletariat, which 
strives for the material and spiritual emancipation of the 
people, uses its dictatorship to bring about communism, 
to bring about harmony and equality among mankind, and 
lets its dictatorship gradually wither away. That is why 
it does its utmost to bring into full play the initiative 
and the positive role of the masses. The fact that, under 
the dictatorship of the proletariat, it is possible to bring 
into play without limit the initiative and the positive role 
of the masses also makes it possible to correct any mis- 
takes committed during the dictatorship of the proletariat. 
Leaders of Communist Parties and socialist states in 
various fields are duty bound to do their utmost to reduce 
mistakes, avoid serious ones, endeavour to learn lessons 
from isolated, local and temporary mistakes and make 
every effort to prevent them from developing into mis- 
takes of a nation-wide or prolonged nature. To do this, 
every leader must be most prudent and modest, keep close 
to the masses, consult them on all matters, investigate 
and study the actual situation again and again and con- 

stantly engage in criticism and self-criticism appropriate 
to the situation and well measured. It was precisely be- 
cause of his failure to do this that Stalin, as the chief 
leader of the Party and the state, made certain serious 
mistakes in the later years of his work. He became con- 
ceited and imprudent. Subjectivism and one-sidedness 
developed- in his thinking and he made erroneous deci- 
sions on certain important questions, which led to serious 

With the victory of the Great October Socialist Revolu- 
tion, the people and the Communist Party of the Soviet 
Union, under the leadership of Lenin, established the 
first socialist state on one-sixth of the earth. The Soviet 
Union speedily carried out socialist industrialization 
and collectivization of agriculture, developed socialist 
science and culture, established a solid union of many 
nationalities in the form of a union of the Soviets, and 
the formerly backward nationalities in the Soviet Union 
became socialist nationalities. During the Second World 
War, the Soviet Union was the main force in defeating 
fascism and saving European civilization. It also helped 
the peoples in the East to defeat Japanese milita- 
rism. All these glorious achievements pointed out to all 
mankind its bright future — socialism and communism, 
seriously shook the rule of imperialism and made the 
Soviet Union the first and strong bulwark in the world 
struggle for lasting peace. The Soviet Union has en- 
couraged and supported all other socialist countries in 
their construction, and it has been an inspiration to the 
world socialist movement, the anti-colonialist movement 
and every other movement for the progress of mankind. 
These are the great achievements made by the people and 
the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in the history 

of mankind. The man who showed the Soviet people 
and Communist Party the way to these great achieve- 
ments was Lenin. In the struggle to carry out Lenin's 
principles, the Central Committee of the Communist 
Party of the Soviet Union, for its vigorous leadership, 
earned its credit, in which Stalin had an ineffaceable 

After Lenin's death Stalin, as the chief leader of the 
Party and the state, creatively applied and developed 
Marxism-Leninism. In the struggle to defend the legacy 
of Leninism and against its enemies — the Trotskyites, 
Zinovievites and other bourgeois agents — Stalin expressed 
the will and wishes of the people and proved himself to 
be an outstanding Marxist-Leninist fighter. The reason 
why Stalin won the support of the Soviet people and 
played an important role in history was primarily because 
he, together with the other leaders of the Communist 
Party of the Soviet Union, defended Lenin's line on the 
industrialization of the Soviet state and the collectiviza- 
tion of agriculture. By pursuing this line, the Communist 
Party of the Soviet Union brought about the triumph 
of socialism in the Soviet Union and created the conditions 
for the victory of the Soviet Union in the war against 
Hitler; these victories of the Soviet people conformed to 
the interests of the working class of the world and all 
progressive mankind. It was therefore quite natural for 
the name of Stalin to be greatly honoured throughout the 
world. But, having won such high honour among the 
people, both at home and abroad, by his correct application 
of the Leninist line, Stalin erroneously exaggerated his 
own role and counterposed his individual authority to 
the collective leadership, and as a result certain of his 
actions were opposed to certain fundamental Marxist- 

Leninist concepts which he himself had propagated. On 
the one hand, he recognized that the masses were the 
makers of history, that the Party must keep in constant 
touch with the people and that inner-Party democracy 
and self-criticism and criticism from below must be 
developed. On the other hand, he accepted and fostered 
the cult of the individual, and indulged in arbitrary indi- 
vidual actions. Thus Stalin found himself in a contradic- 
tion on this question during the latter part of his life, 
with a discrepancy between his theory and practice. 

Marxist-Leninists hold that leaders play a big role in 
history. The people and their parties need forerunners 
who are able to represent the interests and will of the 
people, stand in the forefront of their historic struggles 
and serve as their leaders. It is utterly wrong to deny 
the role of the individual, the role of forerunners and 
leaders. But when any leader of the Party or the state 
places himself over and above the Party and the masses 
instead of in their midst, when he alienates himself from 
the masses, he ceases to have an all-round, penetrating 
insight into the affairs of the state. As long as this was 
the case, even so outstanding a personality as Stalin could 
not avoid making unrealistic and erroneous decisions on 
certain important matters. Stalin failed to draw lessons 
from isolated, local and temporary mistakes on certain 
issues and so failed to prevent them from becoming serious 
mistakes of a nation-wide or prolonged nature. During 
the latter part of his life, Stalin took more and more pleas- 
ure in this cult of the individual, and violated the 
Party's system of democratic centralism and the principle 
of combining collective leadership with individual re- 
sponsibility. As a result he made some serious mistakes 
such as the following: he broadened the scope of the 

suppression of counter-revolution; he lacked the necessary 
vigilance on the eve of the anti-fascist war; he failed to 
pay proper attention to the further development of agri- 
culture and the material welfare of the peasantry; he gave 
certain wrong advice on the international communist 
movement, and, in particular, made a wrong decision on 
the question of Yugoslavia. On these issues, Stalin fell 
victim to subjectivism and one-sidedness, and divorced 
himself from objective reality and from the masses. 

The cult of the individual is a foul carry-over from the 
long history of mankind. The cult of the individual is 
rooted not only in the exploiting classes but also in the 
small producers. As is well known, patriarchism is a 
product of small-producer economy. After the establish- 
ment of the dictatorship of the proletariat, even when the 
exploiting classes are eliminated, when small-producer 
economy has been replaced by a collective economy and 
a socialist society has been founded, certain rotten, poi- 
sonous ideological survivals of the old society may still 
remain in people's minds for a very long time. "The 
force of habit of millions and tens of millions is a 
most terrible force" (Lenin). The cult of the individual 
is just one such force of habit of millions and tens of mil- 
lions. Since this force of habit still exists in society, it 
can influence many government functionaries, and even 
such a leader as Stalin was also affected by it. The cult 
of the individual is a reflection in man's mind of a social 
phenomenon, and when leaders of the Party and state, 
such as Stalin, succumb to the influence of this backward 
ideology, they will in turn influence society, bringing 
losses to the cause and hampering the initiative and crea- 
tiveness of the masses of the people. 

The socialist productive forces, the economic and polit- 
ical system of socialism and the Party life, as they de- 
velop, are increasingly coming into contradiction and 
conflict with such a state of mind as the cult of the 
individual. The struggle against the cult of the individual 
which was launched by the 20th Congress is a great and 
courageous fight by the Communists and the people of the 
Soviet Union to clear away the ideological obstacles in the 
way of their advance. 

Some naive ideas seem to suggest that contradictions 
no longer exist in a socialist society! To deny the ex- 
istence of contradictions is to deny dialectics. The con- 
tradictions in various societies differ in character as do 
the forms of their solution, but society at all times de- 
velops through continual contradictions. Socialist society 
also develops through contradictions between the produc- 
tive forces and the relations of production. In a socialist 
or communist society, technical innovations and improve- 
ment in the social system inevitably continue to take 
place; otherwise the development of society would come 
to a standstill and society could no longer advance. Hu- 
manity is still in its youth. The road it has yet to traverse 
will be no one knows how many times longer than the 
road it has already travelled. Contradictions, as between 
progress and conservatism, between the advanced and the 
backward, between the positive and the negative, will 
constantly occur under varying conditions and different 
circumstances. Things will keep on like this: one con- 
tradiction will lead to another; and when old contradic- 
tions are solved new ones will arise. It is obviously in- 
correct to maintain, as some people do, that the contradic- 
tion between idealism and materialism can be eliminated 
in a socialist or communist society. As long as contradic- 


tions exist between the subjective and the objective, be- 
tween the advanced and the backward, and between the 
productive forces and the relations of production, the 
contradiction between materialism and idealism will 
continue in a socialist or communist society, and will 
manifest itself in various forms. Since man lives in 
society, he reflects, in different circumstances and to 
varying degrees, the contradictions existing in each form 
of society. Therefore, not everybody will be perfect, 
even when a communist society is established. By then 
there will still be contradictions among people, and there 
will still be good people and bad, people whose thinking is 
relatively correct and others whose thinking is relatively 
incorrect. Hence there will still be struggle between peo- 
ple, though its nature and form will be different from 
those in class societies. Viewed in this light, the ex- 
istence of contradictions between the individual and the 
collective in a socialist society is nothing strange. And 
if any leader of the Party or state isolates himself from 
collective leadership, from the masses of the people and 
from real life, he will inevitably fall into rigid ways of 
thinking and consequently make grave mistakes. What 
we must guard against is that some people, because the 
Party and the state have achieved many successes in work 
and won the great trust of the masses, may take advantage 
of this trust to abuse their authority and so commit some 

The Chinese Communist Party congratulates the Com- 
munist Party of the Soviet Union on its great achieve- 
ments in this historic struggle against the cult of the 
individual. The experience of the Chinese revolution, 
too, testifies that it is only by relying on the wisdom of 
the masses of the people, on democratic centralism and on 


the system of combining collective leadership with indi- 
vidual responsibility that our Party can score great vic- 
tories and do great things in times of revolution and in 
times of national construction. The Chinese Communist 
Party, in its revolutionary ranks, has incessantly fought 
against elevation of oneself and against individualist 
heroism, both of which mean isolation from the masses. 
Undoubtedly, such things will exist for a long time to 
come. Even when overcome, they re-emerge. They 
are found sometimes in one person, sometimes in another. 
When attention is paid to the role of the individual, the 
role of the masses and the collective is often ignored. 
That is why some people easily fall into the mistake of 
self-conceit or blind faith in themselves or blind worship 
of others. We must therefore give unremitting attention to 
opposing elevation of oneself, individualist heroism and 
the cult of the individual. 

To counter subjectivist methods of leadership, the Cen- 
tral Committee of the Communist Party of China adopted 
a resolution in June 1943 on methods of leadership. In 
discussing now the question of collective leadership in 
the Party, it is still worthwhile for all members of the 
Chinese Communist Party and all its leading personnel 
to refer to this resolution, which declared: 

In all practical work of our Party, correct leadership 
can only be developed on the principle of "from the 
masses, to the masses." This means summing up (i.e. co- 
ordinating and systematizing after careful study) the 
views of the masses (i.e. views scattered and unsys- 
tematic), then taking the resulting ideas back to the 
masses, explaining and popularizing them until the 
masses embrace the ideas as their own, stand up for 


them and translate them into action by way of testing 
their correctness. Then it is necessary once more to sum 
up the views of the masses, and once again take the 
resulting ideas back to the masses so that the masses 
give them their whole-hearted support . . . and so on, 
over and over again, so that each time these ideas 
emerge with greater correctness and become more vital 
and meaningful. This is what the Marxist theory of 
knowledge teaches us. 

For a long time, this method of leadership has been de- 
scribed in our Party by the popular term "the mass line." 
The whole history of our work teaches us that whenever 
this line is followed, the work is always good, or rela- 
tively good, and even if there are mistakes they are easy 
to rectify; but whenever this line is departed from, the 
work is always marred by setbacks. This is the Marx- 
ist-Leninist method of leadership, the Marxist-Leninist 
line of work. After the victory of the revolution, when 
the working class and the Communist Party have become 
the leading class and party in the state, the leading per- 
sonnel of the Party and state, beset by bureaucratism from 
many sides, face the great danger of using the machinery 
of state to take arbitrary action, alienating themselves 
from the masses and collective leadership, resorting to 
commandism, and violating Party and state democracy. 
Therefore, if we want to avoid falling into such a quag- 
mire, we must pay fuller attention to the use of the mass 
line method of leadership, not permitting the slightest 
negligence. To this end, it is necessary for us to estab- 
lish certain systems, so as to ensure the thorough im- 
plementation of the mass line and collective leadership, 
to avoid elevation of oneself and individualist heroism, 


both of which mean divorce from the masses, and to re- 
duce to a minimum subjectivism and one-sidedness in 
our work which represent a departure from objective 

We must also learn from the struggle of the Com- 
munist Party of the Soviet Union against the cult of the 
individual and continue our fight against doctrinairism. 

The working class and the masses of the people, guided 
by Marxism-Leninism, won the revolution and took state 
power into their hands, while the victory of the revolu- 
tion and the establishment of the revolutionary regime 
opened up boundless vistas for the development of Marx- 
ism-Leninism. Yet because Marxism, since the victory 
of the revolution, has been generally recognized as the 
guiding ideology in the whole country, it often happens 
that not a few of our propagandists rely only on admin- 
istrative power and the prestige of the Party to instil into 
the minds of the masses Marxism-Leninism in the form 
of dogma, instead of working hard, marshalling a wealth 
of data, employing Marxist-Leninist methods of analysis 
and using the people's own language to explain convinc- 
ingly the integration of the universal truths of Marxism- 
Leninism with the actual situation in China. We have, 
over the years, made some advances in research in philos- 
ophy, economics, history and literary criticism, but, on 
a whole, many unhealthy elements still exist. Not a 
few of our research workers still retain their doctrinaire 
habit, put their minds in a noose, lack the ability to think 
independently, lack the creative spirit, and in certain 
respects are influenced by the cult of Stalin. In this con- 
nection it must be pointed out that Stalin's works should, 
as before, still be seriously studied and that we should 
accept, as an important historical legacy, all that is of 


value in them, especially those many works in which he 
defended Leninism and correctly summarized the ex- 
perience of building up the Soviet Union. Not to do so 
would be a mistake. But there are two ways of study- 
ing them — the Marxist way and the doctrinaire way. 
Some people treat Stalin's writings in a doctrinaire man- 
ner, with the result that they cannot analyse and see 
what is correct and what is not correct — and even what 
is correct they treat as a panacea and apply indiscrimi- 
nately; inevitably they make mistakes. For instance, 
Stalin put forward a formula that in different revolu- 
tionary periods, the main blow should be so directed as 
to isolate the middle-of-the-road social and political 
forces of the time. This formula of Stalin's should be 
treated according to circumstances and from a critical, 
Marxist point of view. In certain circumstances it may 
be correct to isolate the middle forces, but it is not cor- 
rect to isolate them under all circumstances. Our ex- 
perience teaches us that the main blow of the revolution 
should be directed at the chief enemy to isolate him, 
while as for the middle forces, a policy of both uniting 
with them and struggling against them should be adopted, 
so that they are at least neutralized; and, as circumstances 
permit, efforts should be made to shift them from their 
position of neutrality to one of alliance with us, for the 
purpose of facilitating the development of the revolution. 
But there was a time — the ten years of civil war from 
1927 to 1936 when some of our comrades crudely applied 
this formula of Stalin's to China's revolution by turning 
their main attack on the middle forces, singling them out 
as the most dangerous enemy; the result was that, instead 
of isolating the real enemy, we isolated ourselves, and 
suffered losses to the advantage of the real enemy. In 


the light of this doctrinaire error, the Central Committee 
of the Communist Party of China, during the period of 
the anti-Japanese war, formulated a policy of "devel- 
oping the progressive forces, winning over the middle-of- 
the-roaders, and isolating the die-hards" for the pur- 
pose of defeating the Japanese aggressors. The progres- 
sive forces in question consisted of the workers, peasants 
and revolutionary intellectuals led by, or open to the 
influence of, the Communist Party. The middle forces in 
question consisted of the national bourgeoisie, the demo- 
cratic parties and groups, and democrats without party 
affiliation. The die-hards referred to were the compra- 
dor-feudal forces headed by Chiang Kai-shek, who were 
passive in resisting the Japanese and active in fighting 
the Communists. Experience, gained through practice, 
proved that this policy of the Communist Party suited 
the circumstances of China's revolution and was correct. 

The invariable fact is: doctrinairism is appreciated only 
by the mentally lazy; it brings nothing but harm to the 
revolution, to the people, and to Marxism-Leninism. To 
enhance the initiative of the masses, to stimulate their 
dynamic creative spirit, and to promote rapid development 
of practical and theoretical work, it is still necessary, right 
now, to destroy blind faith in dogma. 

The dictatorship of the proletariat (in China it is a peo- 
ple's democratic dictatorship led by the working class) has 
won great victories in countries inhabited by nine hundred 
million people. Each of them, whether it is the Soviet 
Union, or China or any other People's Democracy, has 
its own experience of success as well as its own experi- 
ence of mistakes. We must keep on summing up such 
experience. We must be alive to the possibility that we 
may still commit mistakes in the future. The important 


lesson to learn is that the leading organs of our Party 
should limit errors to those of an isolated, local, tem- 
porary nature, and permit no isolated, local, initial mis- 
takes to develop into mistakes of a nation-wide or 
prolonged nature. 

The history of the Communist Party of China records 
the making of serious mistakes on several occasions. In 
the revolutionary period from 1924 to 1927, there ap- 
peared in our Party the wrong line represented by Chen 
Tu-hsiu, a line of Right opportunism. Then, during the 
revolutionary period from 1927 to 1936, the erroneous 
line of "Left" opportunism appeared in our Party on three 
occasions. The lines pursued by Li Li-san in 1930 and 
by Wang Ming in 1931-1934 were particularly serious, 
while the Wang Ming line was the most damaging to the 
revolution. In this same period the erroneous, anti-Party 
Chang Kuo-tao line of Right opportunism in opposition 
to the Party's Central Committee, appeared in a key rev- 
olutionary base, doing serious damage to a- vital section 
of the revolutionary forces. The errors committed in 
these two periods were nation-wide, except for that caused 
by Chang Kuo-tao's line which was confined to one im- 
portant revolutionary base. Once again there emerged 
in our Party during the war of resistance to Japanese 
aggression a wrong line, represented by Comrade 
Wang Ming, which was of Right opportunist nature. 
However, since our Party had drawn lessons from 
what happened during the previous two periods 
of the revolution, this wrong line was not allowed to de- 
velop, but was corrected by the Central Committee of our 
Party in a comparatively short time. After the founding 
of the People's Republic of China, there appeared in our 
Party in 1953 the anti-Party bloc of Kao Kang and Jao 


Shu-shih. This anti-Party bloc represented the forces of 
reaction at home and abroad, and its aim was to under- 
mine the revolution. Had the Central Committee not dis- 
covered it quickly and smashed it in time, incalculable 
damage would have been done to the Party and to the 

From this it will be seen that the historical experience 
of our Party testifies that our Party too has been tempered 
through struggles against various wrong lines of policy, 
thus winning great victories in the revolution and in con- 
struction. As to local and isolated mistakes, they often oc- 
curred in our work, and it was only by relying on the col- 
lective wisdom of the Party and the wisdom of the masses 
of the people, and by exposing and correcting these mis- 
takes in time, that they were nipped in the bud before 
they became mistakes of a nation-wide or prolonged 
nature, doing harm to the people. 

Communists must adopt an analytical attitude to er- 
rors made in the communist movement. Some people 
consider that Stalin was wrong in everything; this is a 
grave misconception. Stalin was a great Marxist-Leninist, 
yet at the same time a Marxist-Leninist who committed 
several gross errors without realizing that they were 
errors. We should view Stalin from an historical stand- 
point, make a proper and all-round analysis to see where 
he was right and where he was wrong, and draw useful 
lessons therefrom. Both the things he did right and the 
things he did wrong were phenomena of the international 
communist movement and bore the imprint of the times. 
Taken as a whole, the international communist move- 
ment is only a little over a hundred years old and it is 
only 39 years since the victory of the October Revolution; 
experience in many fields of revolutionary work is still 


inadequate. Great achievements have been made, but 
there are still shortcomings and mistakes. Just as one 
achievement is followed by another, so one defect or mis- 
take, once overcome, may be followed by another which 
in turn must be overcome. However, the achievements 
always exceed the defects, the things which are right 
always outnumber those which are wrong, and the defects 
and mistakes are always overcome in the end. 

The mark of a good leader is not so much that he makes 
no mistakes, but that he takes his mistakes seriously. 
There has never been a man in the world completely free 
from mistakes. Lenin said: 

Frankly admitting a mistake, ascertaining the reasons 
for it, analysing the conditions which led to it, and 
thoroughly discussing the means of correcting it — that is 
the earmark of a serious party; that is the way it should 
perform its duties, that is the way it should educate 
and train the class, and then the masses. 

True to the behest of Lenin, the Communist Party of the 
Soviet Union is dealing in a serious way both with certain 
mistakes of a grave nature committed by Stalin in direct- 
ing the work of building socialism and with the surviving 
effects of such mistakes. Because of the seriousness of 
the effects, it is necessary for the Communist Party of 
the Soviet Union, while affirming the great contributions 
of Stalin, to sharply expose the essence of his mistakes, 
to call upon the whole Party to take them as a warning, 
and to work resolutely to remove their ill consequences. 
We Chinese Communists are firmly convinced that as a 
result of the sharp criticisms made at the 20th Congress 
of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, all those 
positive factors which were seriously suppressed in the 


past as a result of certain mistaken policies will inevitably 
spring everywhere into life, and the Party and the people 
of the Soviet Union will become still more firmly united 
in the struggle to build a great communist society, such 
as mankind has never yet seen, and win a lasting world 

Reactionary forces the world over are pouring ridicule 
on this event; they jeer at the fact that we are overcoming 
mistakes in our camp. But what will come of all this 
ridicule? There is not the slightest doubt that these 
scoffers will find themselves facing a still more powerful, 
for ever invincible, great camp of peace and socialism, 
headed by the Soviet Union, while the murderous, blood- 
sucking enterprises of these scoffers will be in a pretty 



In April 1956, we discussed the historical experience of 
the dictatorship of the proletariat in connection with the 
question of Stalin. Since then, a further train of events 
in the international communist movement has caused 
concern to the people of our country. The publication in 
Chinese newspapers of Comrade Tito's speech of Novem- 
ber 11, and the comments on that speech by various 
Communist Parties, have led people again to raise many 
questions which call for an answer. In the present article 
we shall centre our discussion on the following questions: 
first, an appraisal of the fundamental course taken by the 
Soviet Union in its revolution and construction; second, 
an appraisal of Stalin's merits and faults; third, the strug- 
gle against doctrinairism and revisionism; and fourth, 
the international solidarity of the proletariat of all 

In examining modern international questions, we must 
proceed first of all from the most fundamental fact, the 
antagonism between the imperialist bloc of aggression and 

1 This article was written by the Editorial Department of 
Renmin Ribao on the basis of a discussion at an enlarged meet- 
ing of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the 
Communist Party of China. It was published in Renmin Ribao 
on December 29, 1956. 


the popular forces in the world. The Chinese people, 
who have suffered enough from imperialist aggression, 
can never forget that imperialism has always opposed the 
liberation of all peoples and the independence of all op- 
pressed nations, that it has always regarded the com- 
munist movement, which stands most resolutely for the 
people's interests, as a thorn in its flesh. Since the birth 
of the first socialist state, the Soviet Union, imperialism 
has tried by every means to wreck it. Following the 
establishment of a whole group of socialist states, the 
hostility of the imperialist camp to the socialist camp, and 
its flagrant acts of sabotage against the latter, have be- 
come a still more pronounced feature of world politics. 
The leader of the imperialist camp, the United States, 
has been especially vicious and shameless in its interfer- 
ence in the domestic affairs of socialist countries; for many 
years it has been obstructing China's liberation of its own 
territory Taiwan, and for many years it has openly adopt- 
ed as its official policy the subversion of the East European 

The activities of the imperialists in the Hungarian affair 
of October 1956 marked the gravest attack launched by 
them against the socialist camp since the war of aggres- 
sion they had carried on in Korea. Just as the resolution 
adopted by the meeting of the Provisional Central Com- 
mittee of the Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party pointed 
out, the Hungarian affair was the result of various causes 
both internal and external; and while any one-sided ex- 
planation is incorrect, among the causes international 
imperialism "played the main and decisive part." Follow- 
ing the defeat of their plot for a counter-revolutionary 
come-back in Hungary, the imperialist powers headed by 
the United States have manoeuvred the United Nations 


into adopting resolutions directed against the Soviet Union 
and interfering in Hungary's internal affairs. At the 
same time, they stirred up a hysterical anti-communist 
wave throughout the Western world. Although U.S. 
imperialism is taking advantage of the fiasco of the Anglo- 
French war of aggression against Egypt to grab British 
and French interests in the Middle East and North Africa 
in every way possible, it has pledged itself to eliminate 
its "misunderstandings" with Britain and France and to 
seek "closer and more intimate understanding" with 
them to repair their united front against communism, 
against the Asian and African peoples and against the 
peace-loving people of the world. To oppose communism, 
the people and peace, the imperialist countries should 
unite this is the gist of Dulles' statement at the NATO 
council meeting on the so-called "need for a philosophy 
for living and acting at this critical point in world history." 
Somewhat intoxicated by his own illusions, Dulles assert- 
ed: "The Soviet communist structure is in a deteriorating 
condition (?), with the power of the rulers disintegrat- 
ing (?). . . . Facing this situation, the free nations must 
maintain moral pressures which are helping to undermine 
the Soviet-Chinese communist system and maintain mili- 
tary strength and resolution." He called on the NATO 
countries "to disrupt the powerful Soviet despotism (?) 
based upon militaristic (?) and atheistic concepts." He 
also expressed the view that "a change of character of 
that [communist] world now seems to be within the realm 
of possibility (!)." 

We have always considered our enemies our best 
teachers, and now Dulles is letting us have another les- 
son. He may slander us a thousand times and curse us 
ten thousand times, there is nothing new in this at all. 


But when Dulles, putting the matter on a "philosophic" 
plane, urges the imperialist countries to place their con- 
tradiction with communism above all other contradictions, 
to bend all their efforts towards bringing about "a change 
of character of that [communist] world" and towards 
"undermining" and "disrupting" the socialist system 
headed by the Soviet Union, this is a lesson that is ex- 
tremely helpful to us, though such efforts will certainly 
come to naught. Although we have consistently held 
and still hold that the socialist and capitalist countries 
should co-exist in peace and carry out peaceful compe- 
tition, the imperialists are always bent on destroying us. 
We must therefore never forget the stern struggle with 
the enemy, i.e. the class struggle on a world scale. 

There are before us two types of contradiction which 
are different in nature. The first type consists of con- 
tradictions between our enemy and ourselves (contradic- 
tions between the camp of imperialism and that of 
socialism, contradictions between imperialism and the 
people and oppressed nations of the whole world, con- 
tradictions between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat 
in the imperialist countries, etc.). This is the funda- 
mental type of contradiction, based on the clash of in- 
terests between antagonistic classes. The second type 
consists of contradictions within the ranks of the people 
(contradictions between different sections of the people, 
between comrades within the Communist Party, contradic- 
tions between the government and the people in socialist 
countries, contradictions between socialist countries, con- 
tradictions between Communist Parties, etc.). This type 
of contradiction is not basic; it is not the result of a funda- 
mental clash of interests between classes, but of conflicts 
between right and wrong opinions or of a partial con- 


tradiction of interests. It is a type of contradiction 
whose solution must, first and foremost, be subordinated 
to the over-all interests of the struggle against the enemy. 
Contradictions among the people themselves can and 
ought to be resolved, proceeding from the desire for 
solidarity, through criticism or struggle, thus achieving 
a new solidarity under new conditions. Of course, real 
life is complicated. Sometimes, it is possible that classes 
whose interests are in fundamental conflict unite to cope 
with their main common enemy. On the other hand, 
under specific conditions, a certain contradiction among 
the people may be gradually transformed into an an- 
tagonistic contradiction when one side of it gradually 
goes over to the enemy. Finally, the nature of such a 
contradiction may change completely so that it no longer 
belongs to the category of contradictions among the people 
themselves but becomes a component part of the con- 
tradiction between ourselves and the enemy. Such a 
phenomenon did come about in the history of the Com- 
munist Party of the Soviet Union and of the Communist 
Party of China. In a word, anyone who adopts the stand- 
point of the people should not equate the contradictions 
among the people with contradictions between the enemy 
and ourselves, or confuse these two types of contradiction, 
let alone place the contradictions among the people above 
the contradictions between the enemy and ourselves. 
Those who deny the class struggle and do not distinguish 
between the enemy and ourselves are definitely not 
Communists or Marxist-Leninists. 

We think it necessary to settle this question of funda- 
mental standpoint first, before proceeding to the questions 
to be discussed. Otherwise, we are bound to lose our 


bearings, and will be unable to explain correctly inter- 
national events. 


The attacks by the imperialists on the international 
communist movement have long been concentrated 
mainly on the Soviet Union. Recent controversies in the 
international communist movement, for the most part, 
have also involved the question of one's understanding of 
the Soviet Union. Therefore, the problem of correctly 
assessing the fundamental course taken by the Soviet 
Union in its revolution and construction is an important 
one which Marxist-Leninists must solve. 

The Marxist theory of proletarian revolution and the 
dictatorship of the proletariat is a scientific summing-up of 
the experience of the working-class movement. However, 
with the exception of the Paris Commune which lasted 
only 72 days, Marx and Engels did not live to see for 
themselves the realization of the proletarian revolution 
and the dictatorship of the proletariat for which they had 
striven throughout their lives. In 1917, led by Lenin and 
the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the Russian 
proletariat carried the proletarian revolution to victory 
and established the dictatorship of the proletariat; it then 
successfully built up a socialist society. From this time 
on, scientific socialism was transformed from a theory and 
ideal into a living reality. And so, the Russian October 
Revolution of 1917 ushered in a new era, not only in the 
history of the communist movement but also in the his- 
tory of mankind. 

The Soviet Union has achieved tremendous successes 
in the 39 years since the revolution. Having eliminated 


the system of exploitation, the Soviet Union put an end 
to anarchy, crisis and unemployment in its economic life. 
Soviet economy and culture have advanced at a pace 
beyond the reach of capitalist countries. Soviet industrial 
output in 1956 is 30 times what it was in 1913, the peak 
year before the revolution. A country which before the 
revolution was industrially backward and had a high rate 
of illiteracy has now become the world's second greatest 
industrial power, possessing scientific and technical 
forces which are advanced by any standards, and a highly 
developed socialist culture. The working people of the 
Soviet Union, who were oppressed before the revolution, 
have become masters of their own country and society; 
they have displayed great enthusiasm and creativeness 
in revolutionary struggle and in construction and a fun- 
damental change has taken place in their material and 
cultural life. While before the October Revolution Russia 
was a prison of nations, after the October Revolution 
these nations achieved equality in the Soviet Union and 
developed rapidly into advanced socialist nations. 

The development of the Soviet Union has not been 
plain sailing. During 1918-1920, the country was at- 
tacked by 14 capitalist powers. In its early years, the 
Soviet Union went through severe ordeals such as civil 
war, famine, economic difficulties, and factional splitting 
activities within the Party. In a decisive period of the 
Second World War, before the Western countries opened 
the second front, the Soviet Union, single-handed, met 
and defeated the attacks of millions of troops of Hitler 
and his partners. These stern trials failed to crush the 
Soviet Union or stop its progress. 

The existence of the Soviet Union has shaken im- 
perialist rule to its very foundations and brought un- 


bounded hope, confidence and courage to all revolutionary 
movements of the workers and liberation movements of 
the oppressed nations. The working people of all coun- 
tries have helped the Soviet Union, and the Soviet Union 
has also helped them. It has carried on a foreign policy 
that guards world peace, recognizes the equality of all 
nations, and opposes imperialist aggression. The Soviet 
Union was the main force in defeating fascist aggression 
throughout the world. The heroic armies of the Soviet 
Union liberated the East European countries, part of 
Central Europe, north-east China and the northern part 
of Korea in co-operation with the popular forces of these 
countries. The Soviet Union has established friendly 
relations with the People's Democracies, aided them in 
economic construction and, together with them, formed a 
mighty bulwark of world peace the camp of socialism. 
The Soviet Union has also given powerful support to the 
independence movements of the oppressed nations, to the 
peace movement of the people of the world and to the 
many peaceable new states in Asia and Africa established 
since the Second World War. 

These are incontrovertible facts that people have known 
for a long time. Why is it necessary then to bring them 
up again? It is because, while the enemies of com- 
munism have naturally always denied all this, certain 
Communists at the present time, in examining Soviet 
experience, often focus their attention on the secondary 
aspects of the matter and neglect the main aspects. 

There are different aspects to Soviet experience in rev- 
olution and construction as far as its international sig- 
nificance is concerned. Of the successful experience of the 
Soviet Union, one part is fundamental and of universal 
significance at the present stage of human history. This 


is the most important and fundamental phase of Soviet 
experience. The other part is not of universal signif- 
icance. In addition, the Soviet Union has also had its 
mistakes and failures. No country can ever avoid these 
entirely, though they may vary in form and degree. And 
it was even more difficult for the Soviet Union to avoid 
them, because it was the first socialist country and had 
no successful experience of others to go by. Such mis- 
takes and failures, however, provide extremely useful 
lessons for all Communists. That is why all Soviet ex- 
perience, including certain mistakes and failures, deserves 
careful study while the fundamental part of the success- 
ful Soviet experience is of particular importance. The 
very fact of the advance of the Soviet Union is proof that 
the fundamental experience of the Soviet Union in revolu- 
tion and construction is a great accomplishment, the first 
paean of victory of Marxism-Leninism in the history of 

What is the fundamental experience of the Soviet 
Union in revolution and construction? In our opinion, 
the following, at the very least, should be considered 

(1) The advanced members of the proletariat organize 
themselves into a Communist Party which takes Marx- 
ism-Leninism as its guide to action, builds itself up along 
the lines of democratic centralism, establishes close links 
with the masses, strives to become the core of the labour- 
ing masses and educates its Party members and the 
masses of people in Marxism-Leninism. 

(2) The proletariat, under the leadership of the Com- 
munist Party, rallying all the labouring people, takes 
state power from the bourgeoisie by means of revolu- 
tionary struggle. 


(3) After the victory of the revolution, the proletariat, 
under the leadership of the Communist Party, rallying 
the broad mass of the people on the basis of a worker- 
peasant alliance, establishes a dictatorship of the prole- 
tariat over the landlord and capitalist classes, crushes the 
resistance of the counter-revolutionaries, and carries out 
the nationalization of industry and the step-by-step 
collectivization of agriculture, thereby eliminating the 
system of exploitation, private ownership of the means of 
production and classes. 

(4) The state, led by the proletariat and the Com- 
munist Party, leads the people in the planned develop- 
ment of socialist economy and culture, and on this basis 
gradually raises the people's living standards and actively 
prepares and works for the transition to communist 

(5) The state, led by the proletariat and the Com- 
munist Party, resolutely opposes imperialist aggression, 
recognizes the equality of all nations and defends world 
peace; firmly adheres to the principles of proletarian in- 
ternationalism, strives to win the help of the labouring 
people of all countries, and at the same time strives to 
help them and all oppressed nations. 

What we commonly refer to as the path of the October 
Revolution means precisely these basic things, leaving 
aside the specific form it took at that particular time and 
place. These basic things are all universally applicable 
truths of Marxism-Leninism. 

In the course of revolution and construction in dif- 
ferent countries there are, besides aspects common to all, 
aspects which are different. In this sense, each country 
has its own specific path of development. We shall dis- 
cuss this question further on. But as far as basic theory 


is concerned, the road of the October Revolution reflects 
the general laws of revolution and construction at a par- 
ticular stage in the long course of the development of 
human society. It is not only the broad road for the 
proletariat of the Soviet Union, but also the broad road 
which the proletariat of all countries must travel to gain 
victory. Precisely for this reason the Central Committee 
of the Communist Party of China stated in its Political 
Report to the Party's Eighth National Congress: "Despite 
the fact that the revolution in our country has many 
characteristics of its own, Chinese Communists regard 
the cause for which they work as a continuation of the 
Great October Revolution." 

In the present international situation, it is of partic- 
ularly great significance to defend this Marxist-Leninist 
path opened by the October Revolution. When the im- 
perialists proclaim that they want to bring about "a 
change of character of the communist world," it is pre- 
cisely this revolutionary path which they want to change. 
For decades, the views put forward by all the revisionists 
to revise Marxism-Leninism, and the Right-opportunist 
ideas which they spread, have been aimed precisely at 
evading this road, the road which the proletariat must 
take for its liberation. It is the task of all Communists to 
unite the proletariat and the masses of the people to beat 
back resolutely the savage onslaught of the imperialists 
against the socialist world, and to march forward reso- 
lutely along the path blazed by the October Revolution. 



People ask: Since the basic path of the Soviet Union 
in revolution and construction was correct, how did 
Stalin's mistakes happen? 

We discussed this question in our article published in 
April this year. But as a result of recent events in 
Eastern Europe and other related developments, the ques- 
tion of correctly understanding and dealing with Stalin's 
mistakes has become a matter of importance affecting 
developments within the Communist Parties of many 
countries, unity between Communist Parties, and the com- 
mon struggle of the communist forces of the world 
against imperialism. So it is necessary to further expound 
our views on this question. 

Stalin made a great contribution to the progress of the 
Soviet Union and to the development of the international 
communist movement. In "On the Historical Experience 
of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat" we wrote: 

After Lenin's death Stalin, as the chief leader of 
the Party and the state, creatively applied and devel- 
oped Marxism-Leninism. In the struggle to defend 
the legacy of Leninism against its enemies — the 
Trotskyites, Zinovievites and other bourgeois agents — 
Stalin expressed the will and wishes of the people and 
proved himself to be an outstanding Marxist-Leninist 
fighter. The reason why Stalin won the support of the 
Soviet people and played an important role in history 
was primarily because he, together with the other 
leaders of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, 
defended Lenin's line on the industrialization of the 
Soviet state and the collectivization of agriculture. By 


pursuing this line, the Communist Party of the Soviet 
Union brought about the triumph of socialism in the 
Soviet Union and created the conditions for the victory 
of the Soviet Union in the war against Hitler; these 
victories of the Soviet people conformed to the interests 
of the working class of the world and all progressive 
mankind. It was therefore quite natural for the name of 
Stalin to be greatly honoured throughout the world. 

But Stalin made some serious mistakes in regard to the 
domestic and foreign policies of the Soviet Union. His 
arbitrary method of work impaired to a certain extent the 
principle of democratic centralism both in the life of the 
Party and in the state system of the Soviet Union, and 
led to a partial disruption of socialist legality. Because 
in many fields of work Stalin estranged himself from the 
masses to a serious extent, and made personal, arbitrary 
decisions concerning many important policies, it was in- 
evitable that he should have made grave mistakes. These 
mistakes stood out most conspicuously in the suppression 
of counter-revolution and in relations with certain foreign 
countries. In suppressing counter-revolutionaries, Stalin, 
on the one hand, punished many counter-revolutionaries 
whom it was necessary to punish and, in the main, ac- 
complished the tasks on this front; but, on the other hand, 
he wronged many loyal Communists and honest citizens, 
and this caused serious losses. On the whole, in relations 
with brother countries and parties, Stalin took an interna- 
tionalist stand and helped the struggles of other peoples 
and the growth of the socialist camp; but in tackling cer- 
tain concrete questions, he showed a tendency towards 
great-nation chauvinism and himself lacked a spirit of 
equality, let alone educating the mass of cadres to be 


modest. Sometimes he even intervened mistakenly, 
with many grave consequences, in the internal affairs of 
certain brother countries and parties. 

How are these serious mistakes of Stalin's to be ex- 
plained? What is the connection between these mistakes 
and the socialist system of the Soviet Union? 

The science of Marxist-Leninist dialectics teaches us 
that all types of relations of production, as well as the 
superstructures built up on their basis, have their own 
course of emergence, development, and extinction. When 
the old relations of production on the whole no longer 
correspond to the productive forces, the latter having 
reached a certain stage of development, and when the old 
superstructure on the whole no longer corresponds to the 
economic basis, the latter having reached a certain stage 
of development, then changes of a fundamental nature 
must inevitably occur; whoever tries to resist such 
changes is discarded by history. This law is applicable 
through different forms to all types of society. That is 
to say, it also applies to socialist society of today and 
communist society of tomorrow. 

Were Stalin's mistakes due to the fact that the socialist 
economic and political system of the Soviet Union had 
become outmoded and no longer suited the needs of the 
development of the Soviet Union? Certainly not. Soviet 
socialist society is still young; it is not even 40 years old. 
The fact that the Soviet Union has made rapid progress 
economically proves that its economic system is, in the 
main, suited to the development of its productive forces; 
and that its political system is also, in the main, suited to 
the needs of its economic basis. Stalin's mistakes did 
not originate in the socialist system; it therefore follows 
that it is not necessary to "correct" the socialist system in 


order to correct these mistakes. The bourgeoisie of the 
West has not a leg to stand on when it tries to use Stalin's 
errors to prove that the socialist system is a "mistake." 
Unconvincing too are the arguments of others who trace 
Stalin's mistakes to the administration of economic affairs 
by the socialist state power, and assert that once the 
government takes charge of economic affairs it is bound 
to become a "bureaucratic machine" hindering the de- 
velopment of the socialist forces. No one can deny that 
the tremendous upsurge of Soviet economy is the result 
precisely of the planned administration of economic af- 
fairs by the state of the working people, while the main 
mistakes committed by Stalin had very little to do with 
shortcomings of the state organs administering economic 

But even where the basic system corresponds to the 
need, there are still certain contradictions between the 
relations of production and the productive forces, between 
the superstructure and the economic basis. These con- 
tradictions find expression in defects in certain links of 
the economic and political systems. Though it is not neces- 
sary to effect fundamental changes in order to solve these 
contradictions, readjustments must be made in good time. 

Can we guarantee that mistakes will not happen once 
we have a basic system which corresponds to the need and 
have adjusted ordinary contradictions in the system (to 
use the language of dialectics, contradictions at the stage 
of "quantitative change")? The matter is not that simple. 
Systems are of decisive importance, but systems them- 
selves are not all-powerful. No system, however excel- 
lent, is in itself a guarantee against serious mistakes in 
our work. Once we have the right system, the main 
question is whether we can make the right use of it; 


whether we have the right policies, and right methods 
and style of work. Without all this, even under a good 
system it is still possible for people to commit serious 
mistakes and to use a good state apparatus to do evil 

To solve the problems mentioned above, we must rely 
on the accumulation of experience and the test of practice; 
we cannot expect results overnight. What is more, with 
conditions constantly changing, new problems arise as old 
ones are solved, and there is no solution which holds good 
for all times. Viewed from this angle, it is not surprising 
to find that even in socialist countries which have been 
established on a firm basis there are still defects in certain 
links of their relations of production and superstructure, 
and deviations of one kind or another in the policies and 
methods and style of work of the Party and the state. 

In the socialist countries, the task of the Party and the 
state is, by relying on the strength of the masses and the 
collective, to make timely readjustments in the various 
links of the economic and political systems, and to dis- 
cover and correct mistakes in their work in good time. 
Naturally, it is not possible for the subjective views of 
the leading personnel of the Party and the state to conform 
completely to objective reality. Isolated, local and tem- 
porary mistakes in their work are therefore unavoidable. 
But so long as the principles of the dialectical materialist 
science of Marxism-Leninism are strictly observed and 
efforts are made to develop them, so long as the principles 
of democratic centralism of the Party and the state is 
thoroughly observed, and so long as we really rely on the 
masses, persistent and serious mistakes affecting the 
whole country can be avoided. 


The reason why some of the mistakes made by Stalin 
during the later years of his life became serious, nation- 
wide and persistent, and were not corrected in time, 
was precisely that in certain fields and to a certain degree, 
he became isolated from the masses and the collective and 
violated the principle of democratic centralism of the 
Party and the state. The reason for certain infractions 
of democratic centralism lay in certain social and historical 
conditions: the Party lacked experience in leading the 
state; the new system was not sufficiently consolidated 
to be able to resist every encroachment of the influence 
of the old era (the consolidation of a new system and the 
dying away of the old influences do not operate in a 
straightforward fashion but often assume the form of an 
undulating movement at turning points in history); there 
was the constricting effect which acute internal and ex- 
ternal struggles had on certain aspects of the develop- 
ment of democracy, etc. Nevertheless, these objective 
conditions alone would not have been enough to trans- 
form the possibility of making mistakes into their actual 
commission. Lenin, working under conditions which 
were much more complicated and difficult than those 
encountered by Stalin, did not make the mistakes that 
Stalin made. Here, the decisive factor is man's ideolog- 
ical condition. A series of victories and the eulogies 
which Stalin received in the latter part of his life turned 
his head. He deviated partly, but grossly, from the dia- 
lectical materialist way of thinking and fell into subjec- 
tivism. He began to put blind faith in personal wisdom 
and authority; he would not investigate and study com- 
plicated conditions seriously or listen carefully to the 
opinions of his comrades and the voice of the masses. As 
a result, some of the policies and measure he adopted 


were often at variance with objective reality. He often 
stubbornly persisted in carrying out these mistaken meas- 
ures over long periods and was unable to correct his 
mistakes in time. 

The Communist Party of the Soviet Union has already 
taken measures to correct Stalin's mistakes and eliminate 
their consequences. These measures are beginning to bear 
fruit. The 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the 
Soviet Union showed great determination and courage in 
doing away with blind faith in Stalin, in exposing the 
gravity of Stalin's mistakes and in eliminating their ef- 
fects. Marxist-Leninists throughout the world, and all 
those who sympathize with the communist cause, support 
the efforts of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union 
to correct mistakes, and hope that the efforts of the Soviet 
comrades will meet with complete success. It is obvious 
that since Stalin's mistakes were not of short duration, 
their thorough correction cannot be achieved overnight, 
but demands fairly protracted efforts and thoroughgoing 
ideological education. We believe that the great Com- 
munist Party of the Soviet Union, which has already 
overcome countless difficulties, will triumph over these 
difficulties and achieve its purpose. 

It was not to be expected, of course, that this effort of 
the Communist Party of the Soviet Union to correct mis- 
takes would get any support from the bourgeoisie and the 
Right-wing Social-Democrats of the West. Eager to take 
advantage of the opportunity to erase what was correct 
in Stalin's work as well as the past immense achieve- 
ments of the Soviet Union and the whole socialist camp, 
and to create confusion and division in the communist 
ranks, the Western bourgeoisie and Right-wing Social- 
Democrats have deliberately labelled the correction of 


Stalin's mistakes "de-Stalinization" and described it as 
a struggle waged by "anti-Stalinist elements" against 
"Stalinist elements." Their vicious intent is evident 
enough. Unfortunately, similar views of this kind have 
also gained ground among some Communists. We consider 
it extremely harmful for Communists to hold such views. 
As is well known, although Stalin committed some 
grave mistakes in his later years, his was nevertheless 
the life of a great Marxist-Leninist revolutionary. In 
his youth, Stalin fought against the tsarist system and for 
the spread of Marxism-Leninism. After he joined the 
central leading organ of the Party, he took part in the 
struggle to pave the way for the revolution of 1917. After 
the October Revolution, he fought to defend its fruits. In 
the nearly 30 years after Lenin's death, he worked to 
build socialism, defend the socialist fatherland and 
advance the world communist movement. All in all, 
Stalin always stood at the head of historical developments 
and guided the struggle; he was an implacable foe of im- 
perialism. His tragedy was that even when he made 
the mistakes he believed what he did was necessary for the 
defence of the interests of the working people against en- 
croachments by the enemy. Stalin's mistakes did harm to 
the Soviet Union, which could have been avoided. None- 
theless, the Socialist Soviet Union made tremendous prog- 
ress during the period of Stalin's leadership. This undeni- 
able fact not only testifies to the strength of the socialist 
system but also shows that Stalin was after all a staunch 
Communist. Therefore, in summing up Stalin's thoughts 
and activities, we must consider both his positive and nega- 
tive sides, both his achievements and his mistakes. As long 
as we examine the matter in an all-round way, then, 
even if people must speak of "Stalinism," this can only 


mean, in the first place, communism and Marxism- 
Leninism, which is the main aspect; and secondarily it 
contains certain extremely serious mistakes which go 
against Marxism-Leninism and must be thoroughly cor- 
rected. Even though at times it is necessary to stress 
these mistakes in order to correct them, it is also neces- 
sary to set them in their proper place so as to make a 
correct appraisal and avoid misleading people. In our 
opinion Stalin's mistakes take second place to his achieve- 

Only by adopting an objective and analytical attitude 
can we correctly appraise Stalin and all those comrades 
who made similar mistakes under his influence, and only 
so can we correctly deal with their mistakes. Since 
these mistakes were made by Communists in the course 
of their work, what is involved is a question of right 
versus wrong within communist ranks, not an issue of 
ourselves versus the enemy in the class struggle. We 
should therefore adopt a comradely attitude towards these 
people and not treat them as enemies. We should defend 
what is correct in their work while criticizing their mis- 
takes, and not blankly denounce everything they did. 
Their mistakes have a social and historical background 
and can be attributed especially to their ideology and 
understanding. In just the same way, such mistakes 
may also occur in the work of other comrades. That is 
why, having recognized the mistakes and undertaken 
their correction, it is necessary that we regard them as a 
grave lesson, as an asset that can be used for heightening 
the political consciousness of all Communists, thus pre- 
venting the recurrence of such mistakes and advancing 
the cause of communism. If, on the contrary, one takes 
a completely negative attitude towards those who made 


mistakes, treats them with hostility and discriminates 
against them by labelling them this or that kind of ele- 
ment, it will not help our comrades learn the lesson they 
should learn. Moreover, since this means confusing the 
two entirely different types of contradiction — that of 
right versus wrong within our own ranks and that of 
ourselves versus the enemy — it will only help the enemy 
in his attacks on the communist ranks and in his at- 
tempts at disintegrating the communist position. 

The attitude taken by Comrade Tito and other leading 
comrades of the Yugoslav League of Communists towards 
Stalin's mistakes and other related questions, as their 
recently stated views indicate, cannot be regarded by us 
as well-balanced or objective. It is understandable that 
the Yugoslav comrades bear a particular resentment 
against Stalin's mistakes. In the past, they made 
worthy efforts to stick to socialism under difficult con- 
ditions. Their experiments in the democratic manage- 
ment of economic enterprises and other social organiza- 
tions have also attracted attention. The Chinese people 
welcome the reconciliation between the Soviet Union and 
other socialist countries on the one hand, and Yugoslavia 
on the other, as well as the establishment and development 
of friendly relations between China and Yugoslavia. Like 
the Yugoslav people, the Chinese people hope that Yu- 
goslavia will become ever more prosperous and powerful 
on the way to socialism. We also agree with some of the 
points in Comrade Tito's speech, for instance, his condem- 
nation of the Hungarian counter-revolutionaries, his sup- 
port for the Worker-Peasant Revolutionary Government 
of Hungary, his condemnation of Britain, France and 
Israel for their aggression against Egypt, and his condem- 
nation of the French Socialist Party for adopting a policy 


of aggression. But we are amazed that, in his speech, he 
attacked almost all the socialist countries and many of the 
Communist Parties. Comrade Tito made assertions about 
"those hard-bitten Stalinist elements who in various Par- 
ties have managed still to maintain themselves in their 
posts and who would again wish to consolidate their rule 
and impose those Stalinist tendencies upon their people, 
and even others." Therefore, he declared, "Together with 
the Polish comrades we shall have to fight such tendencies 
which crop up in various other Parties, whether in the 
Eastern countries or in the West." We have not come 
across any statement put forward by leading comrades of 
the Polish United Workers' Party saying that it was neces- 
sary to adopt such a hostile attitude towards brother par- 
ties. We feel it necessary to say in connection with these 
views of Comrade Tito's that he took up a wrong attitude 
when he set up the so-called "Stalinism," "Stalinist ele- 
ments," etc., as objects of attack and maintained that the 
question now was whether the course "begun in Yugo- 
slavia" or the so-called "Stalinist course" would win out. 
This can only lead to a split in the communist movement. 
Comrade Tito correctly pointed out that "viewing the 
current development in Hungary from the perspective 
— socialism or counter-revolution — we must defend 
Kadar's present government, we must help it." But help 
to and defence of the Hungarian Government can hardly 
be said to be the sense of the long speech on the Hunga- 
rian question made before the National Assembly of the 
Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia by Comrade 
Kardelj, Vice-President of the Federal Executive Council 
of Yugoslavia. In the interpretation of the Hungarian 
incident he gave in his speech, Comrade Kardelj not 
only made no distinction whatsoever between ourselves 


and the enemy, but also told the Hungarian comrades 
that "a thorough change is necessary in the (Hungarian 
— Ed.) political system." He also called on them to turn 
over state power wholly to the Budapest and other re- 
gional workers' councils, "no matter what the workers' 
councils have become," and declared that they "need not 
waste their efforts on trying to restore the Communist 
Party." "The reason," he said, "was because to the masses 
the Party was the personification of bureaucratic des- 
potism." Such is the blue-print of the, "anti-Stalinist 
course" which Comrade Kardelj has designed for brother 
countries. The comrades in Hungary rejected this propos- 
al of Comrade Kardelj 's. They dissolved the Budapest 
and other regional workers' councils which were con- 
trolled by counter-revolutionaries and persisted in build- 
ing up the Socialist Workers' Party. We consider that it 
was entirely right for the Hungarian comrades to act in 
this way, because otherwise Hungary's future would 
belong not to socialism but to counter-revolution. 

Clearly, the Yugoslav comrades are going too far. 
Even if some part of their criticism of brother parties is 
reasonable, the basic stand and the method they have 
adopted infringed the principles of comradely discussion. 
We have no wish to interfere in the internal affairs of 
Yugoslavia, but the matters mentioned above are by no 
means internal. For the sake of consolidating the unity 
of the international communist ranks and avoiding the 
creation of conditions which the enemy can use to cause 
confusion and division in our own ranks, we cannot but 
offer our brotherly advice to the Yugoslav comrades. 



One of the grave consequences of Stalin's mistakes was 
the growth of doctrinairism. While criticizing Stalin's mis- 
takes, the Communist Parties of various countries have 
been waging a struggle against doctrinairism among their 
ranks. This struggle is entirely necessary. But by adopting 
a negative attitude towards everything connected with 
Stalin, and by putting up the erroneous slogan of "de- 
Stalinization," some Communists have helped to foster 
a revisionist trend against Marxism-Leninism. This revi- 
sionist trend is undoubtedly of help to the imperialist 
attack against the communist movement, and the impe- 
rialists are in fact making active use of it. While reso- 
lutely opposing doctrinairism, we must at the same time 
resolutely oppose revisionism. 

Marxism-Leninism holds that there are common, fun- 
damental laws in the development of human society, but 
that in various nations there are strongly differentiat- 
ed features. Thus all nations pass through the class strug- 
gle, and will eventually arrive at communism, by roads 
that are the same in essence but different in specific form. 
The cause of the proletariat in a given country will tri- 
umph only if the universal truth of Marxism-Leninism is 
properly applied in the light of its special national fea- 
tures. And so long as this is done, the proletariat will ac- 
cumulate new experience, thus making its contribution to 
the cause of other nations and to the general treasury of 
Marxism-Leninism. Doctrinaires do not understand that 
the universal truth of Marxism-Leninism manifests itself 
concretely and becomes operative in real life only through 
the medium of specific national characteristics. They are 
not willing to make a careful study of the social and 


historical features of their own countries and nations or 
to apply in a practical way the universal truth of Marx- 
ism-Leninism in the light of these features. Consequently 
they cannot lead the proletarian cause to victory. 

Since Marxism-Leninism is the scientific summing-up 
of the experience of the working-class movement 
of various countries, it follows that it must attach impor- 
tance to the question of applying the experience of 
advanced countries. Lenin wrote in his book What Is To 
Be Done?: 

The Social-Democratic movement is in its very es- 
sence an international movement. This means not 
only that we must combat national chauvinism, but 
also that a movement that is starting in a young country 
can be successful only if it implements the experience 
of other countries. 1 

What Lenin meant here was that it was necessary for the 
Russian working-class movement, which was just begin- 
ning, to utilize the experience of the working-class move- 
ment in Western Europe. His view applies, likewise, to the 
use of Soviet experience by younger socialist countries. 
But there must be a proper method of learning. All 
the experience of the Soviet Union, including its funda- 
mental experience, is bound up with definite national 
characteristics, and no other country should copy it me- 
chanically. Moreover, as has been pointed out above, 
part of Soviet experience is that derived from mistakes 
and failures. For those who know how best to learn 
from others this whole body of experience, both of success 
and failure, is an invaluable asset, because it can help 

1 V. I. Lenin, Selected Works, Vol. I, Part 1, Moscow, 1952, p. 227. 


them avoid roundabout ways in their progress and reduce 
their losses. On the other hand, indiscriminate and me- 
chanical copying of experience that has been successful 
in the Soviet Union let alone that which was unsuc- 
cessful there — may lead to failures in another country. 
Lenin wrote in the passage immediately following the 
one quoted above: 

And in order to implement this experience, it is not 
enough merely to be acquainted with it, or simply to 
transcribe the latest resolutions. What it requires is 
the ability to treat this experience critically and to 
test it independently. Anybody who realizes how enor- 
mously the modern working-class movement has grown 
and branched out will understand what a reserve of 
theoretical forces and political (as well as revolutionary) 
experience is required to fulfil this task. 1 

Obviously, in countries where the proletariat has gained 
power, the problem is many times more complex than 
that referred to by Lenin here. 

In the history of the Communist Party of China be- 
tween 1931 and 1934, there were doctrinaires who refused 
to recognize China's specific characteristics, mechanically 
copied certain experiences of the Soviet Union, and caused 
serious reverses to the revolutionary forces of our coun- 
try. These reverses were a profound lesson to our Party. 
In the period between the Tsunyi Conference of 1935 
and the Party's Seventh National Congress held in 1945, 
our Party thoroughly examined and repudiated this ex- 
tremely harmful doctrinaire line, united all its members, 
including those who had made mistakes, developed the 

1 V. I. Lenin, op. cit., Vol. I, Part 1, pp. 227-28. 

people's forces and thus won victory for the revolution. 
If this had not been done, victory would have been im- 
possible. It is only because we discarded the doctrinaire 
line- that it has become possible for our Party to make 
fewer mistakes in learning from the experience of the 
Soviet Union and other brother countries. It is because 
of .this too that we are able to understand fully how 
necessary and arduous it is for our Polish and Hungarian 
comrades to correct today the doctrinaire errors of the 

Errors of doctrinairism, whenever and wherever they 
occur, must be set right. We shall continue our efforts 
to correct and prevent such errors in our work. But 
opposition to doctrinairism has nothing in common with 
tolerance of revisionism. Marxism-Leninism recognizes 
that the communist movements of various countries nec- 
essarily have their own national characteristics. But 
this does not mean that they do not share certain basic 
features in common, or that they can depart from the 
universal truth of Marxism-Leninism. In the present anti- 
doctrinaire tide, there are people both in our country and 
abroad who, on the pretext of opposing the mechanical 
copying of Soviet experience, try to deny the inter- 
national significance of the fundamental experience of the 
Soviet Union and, on the plea of creatively developing 
Marxism-Leninism, try to deny the significance of the 
universal truth of Marxism-Leninism. 

Because Stalin and the former leaders in some other 
socialist countries committed the serious mistake of violat- 
ing socialist democracy, some unstable people in the 
communist ranks, on the pretext of developing socialist 
democracy, attempt to weaken or renounce the dicta- 
torship of the proletariat, the principles of democratic 


centralism of the socialist state, and the leading role of 
the Party. 

There can be no doubt that in a proletarian dictatorship 
the dictatorship over the counter-revolutionary forces 
must be closely combined with the broadest scope of 
people's, that is, socialist, democracy. The dictatorship 
of the proletariat is mighty and can defeat powerful 
enemies within the country and outside it and 
undertake the majestic historic task of building 
socialism precisely because it is a dictatorship of the 
working masses over the exploiters, a dictatorship of the 
majority over the minority, because it gives the broad 
working masses a democracy which is unattainable under 
any bourgeois democracy. Failure to forge close links with 
the mass-of the working people and to gain their enthu- 
siastic support makes it impossible to establish the dic- 
tatorship of the proletariat, or at any rate impossible to 
consolidate it. The more acute the class struggle be- 
comes, the more necessary it is for the proletariat to rely, 
most resolutely and completely, on the broad masses of 
the people and to bring into full play their revolutionary 
enthusiasm to defeat the counter-revolutionary forces. 
The experience of the stirring and seething mass struggles 
in the Soviet Union during the October Revolution and 
the ensuing civil war proved this truth to the full. It is 
from Soviet experience in that period that the "mass 
line" our Party so often talks about was derived. The 
acute struggles in the Soviet Union then depended mainly 
on direct action by the mass of the people, and naturally 
there was little possibility for perfect democratic pro- 
cedures to develop. After the elimination of the exploit- 
ing classes and the wiping out in the main of the 
counter-revolutionary forces, it was still necessary for the 


dictatorship of the proletariat to deal with counter-revolu- 
tionary remnants — these could not be wiped out com- 
pletely so long as imperialism existed — but by then its 
edge should have been mainly directed against the ag- 
gressive forces of foreign imperialism. In these circum- 
stances, democratic procedures in the political life of the 
country should have been gradually developed and per- 
fected; the socialist legal system perfected; supervision 
by the people over the state organs strengthened; demo- 
cratic methods of administering the state and managing 
enterprises developed; links between the state organs and 
the bodies administering various enterprises on the one 
hand, and the broad masses on the other, made closer; 
hindrances impairing any of these links done away with 
and a firmer check put on bureaucratic tendencies. After 
the elimination of classes, the class struggle should not 
continue to be stressed as though it was being intensified, 
as was done by Stalin with the result that the healthy 
development of socialist democracy was hampered. The 
Communist Party of the Soviet Union is completely right 
in firmly correcting Stalin's mistakes in this respect. 

Socialist democracy should in no way be pitted against 
the dictatorship of the proletariat; nor should it be con- 
fused with bourgeois democracy. The sole aim of social- 
ist democracy, in the political, economic and cultural 
fields alike, is to strengthen the socialist cause of the 
proletariat and all the working people, to give scope to 
their energy in the building of socialism and in the fight 
against all anti-socialist forces. If there is a kind of de- 
mocracy that can be used for anti-socialist purposes and 
for weakening the cause of socialism, it certainly cannot 
be called socialist democracy. 


Some people, however, do not see things that way. 
Their reaction to events in Hungary has revealed this 
most clearly. In the past the' democratic rights and 
revolutionary enthusiasm of the Hungarian working peo- 
ple were impaired, while the counter-revolutionaries were 
not dealt the blow they deserved, with the result that it 
was fairly easy for the counter-revolutionaries, in October 
1956, to take advantage of the discontent of the masses 
to organize an armed revolt. This shows that Hungary 
had not yet made a serious enough effort to build up 
its dictatorship of the proletariat. Nevertheless, when 
Hungary was facing its crisis, when it lay between revolu- 
tion and counter-revolution, between socialism and fas- 
cism, between peace and war, how did communist intel- 
lectuals in some countries see the problem? They not 
only did not raise the question of realizing a dictatorship 
of the proletariat but came out against the righteous 
action taken by the Soviet Union in aiding the socialist 
forces in Hungary. They came out with declarations 
that the counter-revolution in Hungary was a "revolution" 
and with demands that the Worker-Peasant Revolutionary 
Government extend "democracy" to the counter-revolu- 
tionaries! In certain socialist countries some newspapers, 
even to this day, are wantonly discrediting the revolu- 
tionary measures taken by the Hungarian Communists 
who are fighting heroically under difficult conditions, 
while they have said hardly a word about the campaign 
launched by reactionaries all over the world against 
communism, against the people and against peace. What 
is the meaning of these strange facts? They mean that 
those "Socialists" who depart from the dictatorship of 
the proletariat to prate about "democracy" actually stand 
with the bourgeoisie in opposition to the proletariat; that 


they are, in effect, asking for capitalism and opposing 
socialism, though many among them may themselves be 
unaware of that fact. Lenin pointed out time and again 
that the theory of the dictatorship of the proletariat is 
the most essential part of Marxism; that acceptance or 
rejection of the dictatorship of the proletariat is what 
constitutes the most profound difference between the 
Marxist and the ordinary petty (as well as big) bourgeois." 1 
Lenin asked the Hungarian proletarian regime of 1919 to 
use "mercilessly rigorous, swift and resolute force" to 
suppress the counter-revolutionaries. "Whoever does 
not understand this," he said, "is not a revolutionary, and 
must be removed from the post of leader or adviser of the 
proletariat." 2 So if people reject the fundamental Marx- 
ist-Leninist principles regarding the dictatorship of the 
proletariat, if they slanderously dub these principles 
"Stalinism" and "doctrinairism" simply because they have 
perceived the mistakes committed by Stalin in the latter 
part of his life and those made by the former Hungarian 
leaders, they will be taking the path that leads to betrayal 
of Marxism-Leninism and away from the cause of prole- 
tarian revolution. 

Those who reject the dictatorship of the proletariat also 
deny the need for centralism in socialist democracy and 
the leading role played by the proletarian party in socialist 
countries. To Marxist-Leninists, of course, such ideas are 
nothing new. Engels pointed out long ago, when strug- 
gling against the anarchists, that as long as there is con- 
certed action in any social organization there must be a 
certain degree of authority and subordination. The rela- 

1 V. I. Lenin, op. cit., Vol. II, Part 1, p. 233. 

2 Ibid., Vol. II, Part 2, p. 209. 


tion between authority and autonomy is relative and the 
scope of their application changes with different stages 
of the development of society. Engels said that "it is 
absurd to speak of the principle of authority as being 
absolutely evil, and of the principle of autonomy as being 
absolutely good," 1 and that for anyone to insist on such 
an absurdity was in fact to "serve the reaction." 2 In the 
struggle against the Mensheviks, Lenin brought out most 
clearly the decisive significance of the organized leader- 
ship of the Party for the proletarian cause. When criticiz- 
ing "Left-wing" communism in Germany in 1920, Lenin 
stressed that to deny the leading role of the Party, to 
deny the part played by leaders and to reject discipline, 
"is tantamount to completely disarming the proletariat in 
the interest of the bourgeoisie. It is tantamount to that 
petty-bourgeois diffuseness, instability, incapacity for 
sustained effort, unity and organized action, which, if 
indulged in, must inevitably destroy every proletarian 
revolutionary movement." 3 Have these principles become 
obsolete? Are they inapplicable to the specific conditions 
in certain countries? Will their application lead to the 
repetition of Stalin's mistakes? The answer is obviously 
"no." These principles of Marxism-Leninism have stood 
the test of history in the development of the international 
communist movement and of the socialist countries, and 
not a single case that can be called an exception to them 
has been found so far. Stalin's mistakes did not lie in 
the practice of democratic centralism in state affairs, nor 

1 K. Marx and F. Engels, Selected Works, Vol. I, Moscow, 1955, 
p. 637. 

2 Ibid., Vol. I, p. 638. 

3 V I. Lenin, Selected Works, Vol. II, Part 2, p. 366. 


in putting leadership by the Party into effect; it lay pre- 
cisely in the fact that, in certain fields and to a certain 
degree, he undermined democratic centralism and leader- 
ship by the Party. The correct practice of democratic 
centralism in state affairs and the proper strengthening 
of leadership by the Party in the socialist cause are the 
basic guarantees that the countries in the socialist camp 
will be able to unite their people, defeat their enemies, 
overcome their difficulties and grow vigorously. It is 
precisely for this reason that the imperialists and all 
counter-revolutionaries, bent on attacking our cause, have 
always demanded that we "liberalize," that they have 
always concentrated their forces on wrecking the lead- 
ing bodies of our cause, and on destroying the Communist 
Party, the core of the proletariat. They have expressed 
great satisfaction at the current "instability" in certain 
socialist countries, which has resulted from the impair- 
ment of discipline in the Party and the state organs, 
and are taking advantage of this to intensify their 
acts of sabotage. These facts show of what great impor- 
tance it is, in the basic interests of the masses of the peo- 
ple, to uphold the authority of democratic centralism and 
the leading role of the Party. There is no doubt that the 
centralism in the system of democratic centralism must 
rest on a broad basis of democracy, and that the Party 
leadership must maintain close ties with the masses. Any 
shortcomings in this respect must be firmly criticized 
and overcome. But such criticism should be made only 
for the purpose of consolidating democratic centralism 
and of strengthening the leadership of the Party. It 
should in no circumstances bring about disorganization 
and confusion in the ranks of the proletariat, as our 
enemies desire. 


Among those who are trying to revise Marxism- 
Leninism on the pretext of combating doctrinairism, some 
simply deny that there is a demarcation line between 
the proletarian and the bourgeois dictatorships, between 
the socialist and the capitalist systems and between the 
socialist and the imperialist camps. According to them, 
it is possible for certain bourgeois countries to build 
socialism without going through a proletarian revolu- 
tion led by the party of the proletariat and without 
setting up a state led by the party; they think that the 
state capitalism in those countries is in fact socialism, 
and that even human society as a whole is "growing" 
into socialism. But while these people are publicizing 
such ideas, the imperialists are mobilizing all available 
military, economic, diplomatic, espionage and "moral" 
forces, actively preparing to "undermine" and "disrupt" 
socialist countries which have been established for many 
years. The bourgeois counter-revolutionaries of these 
countries, whether hiding at home or living in exile, 
are still making every effort to stage a come-back. While 
the revisionist trend serves the interest of the imperial- 
ists, the actions of the imperialists do not benefit re- 
visionism but point to its bankruptcy. 


It is one of the most urgent tasks of the proletariat 
of all countries in its fight against imperialist onslaughts 
to strengthen its international solidarity. The imperial- 
ists and reactionaries in various countries are trying in 
a thousand and one ways to make use of narrow na- 
tionalist sentiments and of certain national estrange- 


ments among the peoples to wreck this solidarity, there- 
by destroying the communist cause. Staunch proleta- 
rian revolutionaries firmly uphold this solidarity, which 
they regard as being in the common interest of the 
working class of all countries. Wavering elements have 
taken no firm, clear-cut stand on this question. 

The communist movement has been an international 
movement from its very inception, because the workers 
of various countries can throw off joint oppression by 
the bourgeoisie of various countries and attain their 
common aim only by joint effort. This international 
solidarity of the communist movement has been of great 
help to the proletariat of various countries in develop- 
ing their revolutionary cause. 

The triumph of the Russian October Revolution gave 
enormous impetus to the fresh advances of the inter- 
national proletarian revolutionary movement. In the 39 
years since the October Revolution, the achievements 
of the international communist movement have been 
immense, and it has become a powerful, world-wide polit- 
ical force. The world proletariat and all who long for 
emancipation place all their hopes for a bright future 
for mankind on the victory of this movement. 

During the past 39 years the Soviet Union has been 
the centre of the international communist movement, 
owing to the fact that it is the first country where 
socialism triumphed, while after the appearance of the 
camp of socialism — the most powerful country in the 
camp, having the richest experience and the means to 
render the greatest assistance to other socialist countries 
and to the peoples of various countries in the capitalist 
world. This is not the result of anyone's arbitrary de- 
cision, but the natural outcome of historical conditions. 


In the interests of the common cause of the proletariat 
of different countries, of joint resistance to the attack 
on the socialist cause by the imperialist camp headed 
by the United States, and of the economic and cultural 
upsurge common to all socialist countries, we must con- 
tinue to strengthen international proletarian solidarity 
with the Soviet Union as its centre. 

The international solidarity of the Communist Par- 
ties is a type of relationship entirely new to human 
history. It is natural that its development cannot be 
free from difficulties. The Communist Parties of all 
countries must seek unity with each other as well as 
maintain their respective independence. Historical ex- 
perience proves that mistakes are bound to occur if 
there is no proper integration of these two aspects, and 
one or the other is neglected. If the Communist Parties 
maintain relations of equality among themselves and 
reach common understanding and take concerted action 
through genuine, and not nominal, exchange of views, 
their unity will be strengthened. Conversely, if, in their 
mutual relations, one Party imposes its views upon 
others, or if the Parties use the method of interference 
in each other's internal affairs instead of comradely sug- 
gestions and criticism, their unity will be impaired. 

In the socialist countries, the Communist Parties have 
assumed the responsibility of leadership in the affairs 
of the state, and relations between them often involve 
directly the relations between their respective countries 
and peoples, so the proper handling of such relations has 
become a problem demanding even greater care. 

Marxism-Leninism has always insisted upon combin- 
ing proletarian internationalism with the patriotism of 
the people of each country. Each Communist Party 


must educate its members and the people in a spirit 
of internationalism, because the true national interests 
of all peoples call for friendly co-operation among na- 
tions. On the other hand, each Communist Party must 
represent the legitimate national interests and sentiments 
of its own people. Communists have always been true 
patriots, and they understand that it is only when they 
correctly represent the interests and sentiments of their 
nation can they really enjoy the trust and love of the 
broad mass of their own people, effectively educate them 
in internationalism and harmonize the national sentiments 
and interests of the peoples of different countries. 

To strengthen the international solidarity of the 
socialist countries, the Communist Parties of these 
countries must respect the national interests and 
sentiments of other countries. This is of special im- 
portance for the Communist Party of a larger country in 
its relations with that of a smaller one. To avoid any re- 
sentment on the part of the smaller country, the Party of 
a larger country must constantly take care to maintain an 
attitude of equality. As Lenin rightly said, "It is . . . the 
duty of the class-conscious communist proletariat of all 
countries to treat with particular caution and attention 
the survivals of national sentiments among countries and 
nationalities which have been longest oppressed." 1 

As we have already said, Stalin displayed certain 
great-nation chauvinist tendencies in relations with 
brother parties and countries. The essence of such tenden- 
cies lies in being unmindful of the independent and equal 
status of the Communist Parties of various lands and that 
of the socialist countries within the framework of in- 

1 V. I. Lenin, op. cit, Vol. II, Part 2, pp. 469-470. 


ternational bond of union. There are certain historical 
reasons for such tendencies. The time-worn habits of 
big countries in their relations with small countries con- 
tinue to make their influence felt in certain ways, while 
a series of victories achieved by a Party or a country 
in its revolutionary cause is apt to give rise to a sense of 

For these reasons, systematic efforts are needed to over- 
come great-nation chauvinist tendencies. Great-nation 
chauvinism is not peculiar to any one country. For 
instance, country B may be small and backward com- 
pared to country A, but big and advanced compared to 
country C. Thus country B, while complaining of great- 
nation chauvinism on the part of country A, may often 
assume the airs of a great nation in relation to country 
C. What we Chinese especially must bear in mind is 
that China too was a big empire during the Han, Tang, 
Ming and Ching dynasties. Although it is true that in 
the hundred years after the middle of the 19th century, 
China became a victim of aggression and a semi-colony 
and although she is still economically and culturally 
backward today, nevertheless, under changed conditions, 
great-nation chauvinist tendencies will certainly become 
a serious danger if we do not take every precaution to 
guard against them. It should, furthermore, be pointed 
out that some signs of this danger have already begun 
to appear among some of our personnel. That was why 
emphasis on fighting the tendency towards great-nation 
chauvinism was laid both in the resolution of the Eighth 
National Congress of the Communist Party of China and 
the statement of the Government of the People's Republic 
of China issued on November 1, 1956. 


But it is not great-nation chauvinism alone that hinders 
international proletarian unity. In the course of history, 
big countries have shown disrespect for small countries 
and even oppressed them; and small countries have dis- 
trusted big ones and even become hostile to them. Both 
tendencies still exist to a greater or lesser extent among 
the peoples and even in the ranks of the proletariat of 
various countries. That is why, in order to strengthen 
the international solidarity of the proletariat, apart from 
the primary task of overcoming great-nation chauvinist 
tendencies in bigger countries, it is also necessary to 
overcome nationalist tendencies in smaller countries. No 
matter whether their country is big or small, if Com- 
munists counterpose the interests of their own country 
and nation to the general interest of the international 
proletarian movement, and if they make national in- 
terests a pretext for opposing the general interest, and 
not really upholding international proletarian solidarity 
in actual practice but on the contrary damaging it, they 
will be committing a serious mistake of violating the 
principles of internationalism and Marxism-Leninism. 

Stalin's mistakes aroused grave dissatisfaction among 
people in certain East European countries. But then 
neither is the attitude of some people in these countries 
towards the Soviet Union justified. Bourgeois national- 
ists try their best to exaggerate shortcomings of the 
Soviet Union and overlook the contributions it has made. 
They attempt to prevent the people from thinking how 
the imperialists would treat their countries and their 
peoples if the Soviet Union did not exist. We Chinese 
Communists are very glad to see that the Communist 
Parties of Poland and Hungary are already putting a 


firm check on the activities of evil elements that fabri- 
cate anti-Soviet rumours and stir up national antagon- 
isms in relations with brother countries, and also that 
these Parties have set to work to dispel nationalist prej- 
udices existing among some sections of the masses and 
even among some Party members. This is clearly one 
of the steps urgently needed to consolidate friendly rela- 
tions among the socialist countries. 

As we pointed out above, the foreign policy of the 
Soviet Union has, in the main, conformed to the interests 
of the international proletariat, the oppressed nations and 
the peoples of the world. In the past 39 years, the Soviet 
people have made tremendous efforts and heroic sacrifices 
in aiding the cause of the peoples of the various countries 
Mistakes committed by Stalin certainly cannot detract from 
these historic achievements of the great Soviet people. 

The Soviet Government's efforts to improve relations 
with Yugoslavia, its declaration of October 30, 1956, and 
its talks with Poland in November 1956 all manifest the 
determination of the Communist Party of the Soviet 
Union and the Soviet Government to thoroughly eliminate 
past mistakes in foreign relations. These steps by the 
Soviet Union are an important contribution to the 
strengthening of the international solidarity of the 

Obviously, at the present moment, when the imperial- 
ists are launching frenzied attacks on the communist 
ranks in the various countries, it is necessary for the 
proletariat of all nations to strive to strengthen its soli- 
darity. Faced as we are with powerful enemies, no 
word or deed which harms the solidarity of the inter- 
national communist ranks, no matter what name it goes 


by, can hope to receive any sympathy from the Com- 
munists and working people of the various countries. 

The strengthening of the international solidarity of 
the proletariat, with the Soviet Union as its core, is not 
only in the interests of world proletariat but also in the 
interests of the independence movement of all oppressed 
nations and of world peace. Through their own ex- 
perience, the broad masses of the people in Asia, Africa 
and Latin America find it easy to understand who are 
their enemies and who their friends. That is why the 
imperialist-instigated campaign against communism, 
against the people and against peace has evoked such a 
faint response, and that from only a handful among the 
more than one thousand million people who inhabit these 
continents. Facts prove that the Soviet Union, China, 
the other socialist countries and the revolutionary prole- 
tariat in the imperialist countries are all staunch sup- 
porters of Egypt's struggle against aggression, and of 
the independence movement in the countries of Asia, 
Africa and Latin America. 

The socialist countries, the proletariat in the imperial- 
ist countries, and the countries striving for national in- 
dependence — these three forces have bonds of common 
interest in their struggle against imperialism and their 
mutual support and assistance is of the greatest signifi- 
cance to the future of mankind and world peace. Re- 
cently the imperialist forces of aggression have again 
created a certain degree of tension in the international 
situation. But by the joint struggle of the three forces 
we have mentioned, plus the concerted efforts of all 
other peace-loving forces in the world, a new lessening 
of such tension can be achieved. The imperialist forces 
of aggression failed to gain anything from their invasion 


of Egypt; instead, they were dealt a telling blow. Fur- 
thermore, thanks to the help given by the Soviet troops 
to the Hungarian people, the imperialists were frustrated 
in their plan to build an outpost of war in Eastern Eu- 
rope and to disrupt the solidarity of the socialist camp. 
The socialist countries are persisting in their efforts for 
peaceful co-existence with the capitalist countries, to 
develop diplomatic, economic and cultural relations with 
them, to settle international disputes through peaceful 
negotiations, to oppose preparations for a new world war, 
to expand the peace area in the world, and to broaden the 
scope of application of the five principles of peaceful 
co-existence. All these efforts will certainly win ever 
more sympathy from the oppressed nations and the 
peace-loving people throughout the world. The strength- 
ening of the international solidarity of the proletariat 
will make the warlike imperialists think twice before em- 
barking upon new adventures. Therefore, despite the 
fact that the imperialists are still trying to resist the 
efforts described above, the forces for peace will even- 
tually triumph over the forces for war. 

The international communist movement has a history 
of only 92 years, reckoning from the establishment of 
the First International in 1864. Despite many ups and 
downs, the progress of the movement as a whole has 
been very rapid. During the First World War, there 
appeared the Soviet Union, covering one-sixth of the 
earth. After the Second World War, there appeared the 
camp of socialism, which now has a third of the world's 
population. When the socialist states commit errors of 
one kind or another, our enemies are elated while some 


of our comrades and friends become dejected; a number 
of them even waver in their confidence as to the future 
of the communist cause. However, there is little ground 
for our enemies to rejoice or for our comrades and friends 
to feel dejected or to waver. The proletariat has begun 
to rule the state for the first time in history: in some 
countries this occurred only a few years ago, and in 
the oldest only a few decades ago. So how could any- 
one expect that no failures would be encountered? Tem- 
porary and partial failures have occurred, are still oc- 
curring, and may also occur in the future. But a person 
with foresight will not feel dejected and pessimistic be- 
cause of them. Failure is the mother of success. It is 
precisely the recent temporary, partial failures that have 
enriched the political experience of the international 
proletariat and will help to pave the way for great suc- 
cesses in the years to come. Compared with the history of 
the bourgeois revolutions in Britain and France, the fail- 
ures in our cause are virtually of no account. The 
bourgeois revolution in Britain started in 1640. The 
defeat of the king was followed by Cromwell's dicta- 
torship. Then came-the restoration of the old royal 
house in 1660. It was not until 1688 when the bour- 
geois party staged a coup d'etat inviting to England a 
king who brought along with him troops and naval forces 
from the Netherlands that the British bourgeois dicta- 
torship was consolidated. During the 86 years from the 
outbreak of the French revolution in 1789 to 1875, when 
the Third Republic was established, the bourgeois rev- 
olution in France went through a particularly stormy 
period, swinging in rapid succession between progress 
and reaction, republicanism and monarchy, revolution- 
ary terror and counter-revolutionary terror, civil war 


and foreign war, the conquest of foreign lands and 
capitulation to foreign states. Although the socialist rev- 
olution faces the concerted opposition of the reactionaries 
throughout the world, its course as a whole is smooth 
and remarkably steady. This is a true reflection of the 
unparalleled vitality of the socialist system. Though 
the international communist movement met with some 
setbacks recently, we have learned many useful lessons 
from them. We have corrected, or are correcting, the 
mistakes in our own ranks which need to be rectified. 
When these errors are righted, we shall be stronger 
and more firmly united than ever before. Contrary to 
the expectation of our enemies, the cause of the pro- 
letariat will not be thrown back but will make ever more 

But the fate of imperialism is quite different. There, 
in the imperialist world, fundamental clashes of interest 
exist between imperialism and the oppressed nations, 
among the imperialist countries themselves, and between 
the government and the people of these imperialist coun- 
tries. These clashes will grow more and more acute 
and there is no cure for them. 

Of course, in many respects, the new-born system of 
proletarian dictatorship still faces many difficulties, and 
has many weaknesses. But, compared with the time when 
the Soviet Union was struggling alone, the situation is 
a good deal better. And what new birth is not attended 
with difficulties and weaknesses? The issue is the future. 
However many twists and turns may await us on our 
forward journey, humanity will eventually reach its 
bright destiny — communism. There is no force that 
can stop it. 



1959 fp 2 M H-KK 

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